"Imperialism today is
taking place in the context of...the 'universalization' of capitalism.
It is not now primarily a matter of territorial conquest or direct
military or colonial control. It is not now a matter of capitalist
powers invading non-capitalist powers in order to bleed them dry
directly and by brute force. Now it is more a matter of ensuring
that the forces of the capitalist market prevail in every corner
of the world (even if this means marginalizing and impoverishing
parts of it), and of manipulating those market forces to the advantage
of the most powerful capitalist economies and the United States
in particular." ... "Military force is still central
to the imperialist project, in some ways more than ever."
Political scientist Ellen Meiksins-Wood
- Z magazine, Nov 1999, p26
"This focus on money and
power may do wonders in the marketplace, but it creates a tremendous
crisis in our society. People who have spent all day learning
how to sell themselves and to manipulate others are in no position
to form lasting friendships or intimate relationships... Many
Americans hunger for a different kind of society -- one based
on principles of caring, ethical and spiritual sensitivity, and
communal solidarity. Their need for meaning is just as intense
as their need for economic security."
Michael Lerner, philosopher, psychologist,
" Foreign aid is when
the poor people of a rich country178彩票
give money to the rich people of a poor country178彩票. "
" There are many political
and social objectives which are not properly served by the market
mechanism ... These include the preservation of competition and
stability in financial markets, not to mention issues like the
environment and social justice. "
George Soros, international investor
"By the end of 1996 there
were almost 1.7 million inmates-mostly poor and male-confined
in American jails and prisons. Officially, those inmates are not
counted as part of the country178彩票's labor force, and accordingly
they are also not counted as unemployed. If they were, our official
jobless rate would be much higher, and our much-vaunted record
of controlling unemployment, as compared with other countries,
would look considerably less impressive. Thus, in 1996 there was
an average of about 3.9 million men officially unemployed in the
United States, and about 1.1 million in state or federal prison.
Adding the imprisoned to the officially unemployed would boost
the male unemployment rate in that year by more than a fourth,
from 5.4 to 6.9 percent. And that national average obscures the
social implications of the huge increases in incarceration in
some states. In Texas, there were about 120,000 men in prison
in 1995, and 300,000 officially unemployed. Adding the imprisoned
to the jobless count raises the state's male unemployment rate
by well over a third, from 5.6 to 7.8 percent. If we conduct the
same exercise for black men, the figures are even more thought-provoking.
In 1995, there were 762,000 black men officially counted as unemployed,
and another 511,000 in state or federal prison. Combining these
numbers raises the jobless rate for black men by two-thirds, from
just under 11 to almost 18 percent."